Category Archives: Grants and internships

Creating Connections

I was provided the opportunity to study in Athens for the past month because of the Goekoop scholarship offered by the NIA and friends (VVNIA). The purpose of my stay was to write the proposal for my MA thesis, for which I am planning to look into the political geography of Bronze Age Laconia; a topic which was still largely unfamiliar to me not too long ago. For this reason, and because this was actually the first time I would be abroad on my own for a prolonged period of time, I was fairly nervous when I arrived.

As I write this blog on my last day in Athens, I remember well how quickly it became apparent that this nervosity was completely misplaced. When I walked into the living room of the Dutch Institute on my first day, I met one of the other residents whom I knew already from an earlier visit and she told me I had come at exactly the right time. The weather in Athens had not been very nice in the previous month, she told me, but this had drastically changed now and summer was finally upon us. To top it off, this is the time in Athens when all the International Schools host their annual parties, which is ideal if you want to meet new people. So we went.

First one on the agenda: the annual party of the Australian Institute with drinks afterwards on the roof terrace of the Swedish Institute (fig 1). As I happily followed my acquaintance around I was introduced to the art of introducing new people at parties where everybody is unacquainted and quickly made some new friends. With these newly made friends I went on to a lovely concert somewhere in Athens on the same night and to many other places since then. One of the beautiful things about Athens is that there are so many lovely places to visit during the weekends so close by. With other students I have explored the archaeological sites on lovely Aegina (and also the beach) on one weekend, the sites of ancient Ramnous (the best preserved deme of Athens; fig. 2) and Marathon (and also the beach) on another, and finally also the Island of Euboea (and the beach).


Fig 1: The views from the roof terraces of the different Institutes are quite enjoyable. This photo was shot from the Italian School.  

The annual parties do not only offer the opportunity for socialising, however. There was also ample room for accounts on the activities undertaken by the institutes in the past year and interesting lectures on funny topics. For example, at the Australian Annual Party, Professor Julia Kindt presented an interesting approach to research on animals in Ancient Greece and introduced me to the concept of the Socratic Gadfly. You know, the concept of a thing that is a bit annoying and constantly stinging your mind, but at the same time supposedly needed and a positive influence on your life. That does make me think of something.. Oh yeah, my thesis.


Fig 2: Ancient Ramnous is the best preserved deme of Attica. The site is so well preserved it feels like you are walking through a little city. Across the water Euboea can be seen.

Apart from playing the tourist and the exchange student, there was also time dedicated to actual studying. As mentioned before, I was not extremely familiar with research into political geographies before I started working on my thesis. Luckily for me, I had been able to acquire a seat as a backbencher on the workshop ‘Political Geographies of the Bronze Age Aegean’ which was organised by the NIA and the EBSA, and which very conveniently took place during my stay in Athens (fig. 3). To me, these two long days of lectures, on which all the experts of this field presented their latest research, served as a sort of crash course which taught me exactly what I needed to know. I penned as fast as I could to note down all the possibilities and pitfalls of this kind of research. What I found particularly interesting was the notion that when discussing politics in the Bronze Age Aegean, we should perhaps speak a little bit less of territorial domination by palaces, and a little bit more about mutual beneficial connections between different people, factions and settlements in a political landscape that is dynamic and not predetermined. To what extent this notion can be explored in Laconia remains to be seen. But I will fly home tomorrow with a good feeling about my thesis and a lot of fine memories about the connections I made myself.

Youp van den Beld


Fig. 3: I was very lucky to be able to attend this very informative workshop. 

A Grand Tour of Greece

When thinking about ancient Greek death practices, what first comes to mind are the golden death mask of Agamemnon, the serene scenes on Classical funerary reliefs from the Kerameikos, and perhaps the white ground lekythoi – all prominently on display in the National Archaeological Museum of Athens. Of course, funerary culture in the Greek world constituted much more. This fall, we travelled the Greek mainland to explore the regional differences in funerary practices of ancient Greece, with grants from the Philologisch Studiefonds and the NIA. We plan to use our newly gained insights for a PhD- and postdoc proposals, respectively. In this post, we will tell you a bit about our travels, and share some of highlights, thoughts and photographs.

Our ‘Grand Tour’ began and ended with a short stay at the NIA, in between which we travelled through mainland Greece for four weeks. We started our journey in the northern Peloponnese, travelling along the west coast, going inland from Igoumenitsa to Ioannina, and then driving all the way up to Florina. From there, we explored Macedonia, Chalkidiki and Thrace, and via the coastal regions of eastern Greece and the island of Euboea we eventually found our way back to Athens. In total, we drove over 4500 km, visited more than 80 sites and museums, took 8815 photographs, and replaced one flat tyre.

Most of the sites we visited were chosen because of their funerary character: necropoleis, tombs, or museums with themed displays about mortuary behaviour and/or extensive collections of tombstones and grave goods (fig. 1). Other sites were added to the list because of their relevance for the ongoing work on the Hellenistic houses of New Halos, while others were simply too beautiful or famous to pass by. Among the latter category are Orraon (fig. 2), where stone-built houses are preserved up to a height of over three meters, Kylindri near Karystos, where over a dozen of huge monolithic columns were left behind after this Imperial marble quarry was abandoned (fig. 3), and of course Dodona and Delphi (figs. 4 and 5).

As far as the funerary material was concerned, we saw an enormous variation in burial customs across Greece, among regions, sites, but also among different individuals within one and the same community. We noted significant differentiation in the space of the dead (the locations of the cemeteries vis-à-vis the town), in tomb types used, in the types and decorations of burial markers, the content of epitaphs, and the grave goods provided to the dead. To give a few examples: in Thessaly we hiked to a burial site near the modern village of Vrynaina, where the necropolis of a Hellenistic fortified settlement was located on narrow plateaus below the steep hill on which the acropolis and town were located (fig. 6). In Arta, the Archaic-Hellenistic cemetery had developed along a so-called Gräberstrasse (fig. 7), similar to what can be seen in the Kerameikos, while near Hellenistic Abdera burial took place in tumuli, which were spread around the chora inland of the town. In Chaironeia we pondered the Theban war dead while admiring the enormous stone lion (over 5 m in height) that marked the site of their demise and final resting place (fig. 8). Nearby lay the tumulus covering the cremated remains of the Macedonians fallen in the same battle. At Kassopi we entered a Macedonian-type burial chamber that was located within the city walls (a rarity!, fig. 9); the tumulus-museum of Aigai displayed the jaw-dropping remnants of the funeral of Philip II, and the recently hyped tomb at Amphipolis we only saw from a distance.

Amidst all the fantastic experiences, there were also some disappointments. Several sites were fenced off or ill maintained, some museums were unexpectedly closed, some were desperately in need of renovations, and one museum was open but completely empty (leaving us flabbergasted as to the reason why a guard followed us closely while we scoured the building looking for the stuff that was advertised as being here on a big sign near the entrance). Particularly disappointing was our visit to the Underworld at the Nekromanteion of Acheron. According to Homer and Herodotus there was a place somewhere near the Acheron where people could enter the world of the dead. But alas, the building identified as this Nekromanteion turned out to be a farmhouse of the Hellenistic period, and the ‘crypt’ was a large vaulted cellar where the owners of the farmhouse stored their foodstuffs (fig. 10). Our hopes of descending into the dark recesses of the earth into the realm of Hades and Persephone were thus shattered.

All in all our Grand Tour was an amazing experience. By visiting so many of the archaeological sites and museums along the way, we gained a good understanding of the variety of burial practices in Greece. The more distant museums proved very useful to get an impression of local finds and excavations. Additionally, we were able to experience the Greek landscapes, and the cultural variety and delicious cuisine of modern Greece.

We would like to thank the Philologisch Studiefonds and the NIA for their financial support, our fellow-travellers for their enthusiasm and their hospitality, and we wholeheartedly recommend our colleagues to undertake a similar trip.

Tamara & Caroline

Fig. 1 Reconstructed burial in the museum of Pella

Fig. 2 Court of a house in Orraon (Epirus) with other rooms in the background. The walls have been preserved up to the second floor

Fig. 3 View on Karystos from the 12 m monolithic columns in the Imperial marble quarry ‘Kylindri’ on Mt Ochi

Fig. 4 The theatre at Dodona

Fig. 5 Wall behind the Stoa of the Athenians/the terrace wall of the Temple of Apollo in Delphi, on which numerous inscriptions have been inscribed (you can recognise the outline of the texts as flattened rectangles on the wall)

Fig. 6 The steep slope near modern Vrynaina where (looted) burials can be seen

Fig. 7 View of the Gräberstrasse in Arta, with burials from the Archaic to Hellenistic period. On the right was a polyandrion

Fig. 8 The restored lion at Chaironeia, guarding the fallen Thebans and fiercely looking towards the tumulus below which the Macedonians were buried

Fig. 9 The vaulted tomb in Kassopi, the only ‘Macedonian’ type tomb in Epirus

Fig. 10 The vaulted cellar, better known as the ‘Nekromanteion’ near Acheron

The worker must have bread, but she must have roses too.

img_2929Mural in Panagi Tsaldari Street, by street artist INO. 

While writing my name on Grigoris’ arm, I am aware that I will never be able to visit all the addresses he has just given me; let alone to interview all the people involved in these collectives. After all, at this moment, I only have two full days left. Grigoris works at a collective restaurant called Bread and Roses, referring to the successful 1912 Massachusetts textile riots. The words “bread and roses” are Rosa Schneiderman’s. She wrote a speech in which she proclaimed: “The worker must have bread, but she must have roses, too”. Of course, Schneiderman led a women’s movement in a specific moment of time. However, I think that her speech touches upon much larger issues that are at the centre of the resistance in Greece today.

Capitalism did not only transform labour into a commodity by presenting it on the market as any other good[1], but also brought along a strong belief in Homo Economicus. Or perhaps, rather than capitalism as such, it was the Austrian school that professed and promoted the idea that egotism and competitiveness are part of human nature. Without entering into a debate about the distinctive nature of Neoliberalism and how different it is from the era that Marx and the Austrian School were writing in and reflecting upon, I think that what I see here in Greece can be directly linked to the liberal spirit of free market idolatry, the atomization of the individual, but also, and simply, cruel dehumanizing, or as Marx would call it, alienating labour due to exploitive conditions. I am aware that I am referring to a lot of theories in one go, and it seems quite all encompassing.

However, it could also be put more straightforwardly: the people I have met here in Greece are resisting. And they are not only resisting low payrolls. What they seem to express is a desire to live differently, more ethically, for their own sake, but also for that of the community. There’s a powerful discontent vis-à-vis working conditions, but not criticizing the hard work and the unpaid overtime per se. What makes the working conditions unbearable is the insignificance it has; coming in at work in the morning and leaving late at night, giving up your time for something you do not really believe in, for an unknown cause you have little say in. The only use for it being: getting a pay. Because “all economic connections between individuals run through the market, each is isolated as an economic entity”[2]. Being reduced to this state of a floating island trying to accumulate figures, you are unable to realize something else, you do not have the power to do so.

The collectives, and other groups seeking to function autonomously, are the very expression of resisting that atomized individual. Every collective seeks to find its own goals, very often political, but almost exclusively ethical. By having everyone stand on an equal footing, everyone can engage as much as they want with the projects at hand. In this manner, working is not only about adding numbers to your bank account, about forgetting what you do to get on with life, it becomes a question of creation. The work belongs entirely to the workers. The workers are no longer workers, but they are the people we know, all trying to build something for a sustainable community, which needs festivals, art, music as much as a roof above everyone’s head and three meals a day.

Bread and Roses, and the other collectives I visited are very much aware of it. They perhaps don’t even think about its necessity, it seems self-evident. During the last weekend of my stay, there were two concerts organized at Bread and Roses, a party in the social center[3]Nosotros and a Mojito evening in the shop Lacandona. So yes, “what the woman who labors wants is the right to live, not simply exist — the right to life as the rich woman has the right to life, and the sun and music and art. You have nothing that the humblest worker has not a right to have also. The worker must have bread, but she must have roses, too”.


Solange Manche, École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales & École Normale Supérieure de Paris, Literary Theory. University of Utrecht graduate. 


[1] This refers to Marx’s Capital. To understand commodification and commodification of labour, see chapters 4, 5, 6, 7 and 10 of Capital, volume 1.

[2] Gareth Dale. Karl Polanyi: The Limits of the Market. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2010.

[3] The way they describe their activity in the neighbourhood of Exarcheia

Op weg naar Athene

img_2785Rosa Nera. Chania. 

Hopende op een lift vanuit de buitenwijk van Rethymno naar het centrum steken we onze duimen op. Na niet al te lang wachten krijgen we een lift van een jonger stel dan wij zelf. Ik schat dat ze nog geen twintig jaar oud waren. Twee economiestudenten uit Zwitserland. Onze manier van reizen werd goedgekeurd, ze vonden het erg avontuurlijk, “bohemian” zelfs, maar ook gewoon gezellig. Ze vroegen ons natuurlijk wat we in Griekenland deden en ik vertelde ze dat ik onderzoek ging doen naar alternatieve economievorming in Athene.

“Wat is dat dan precies alternatieve economie?” vroeg het meisje.

“Nou, ik wil kijken hoe mensen een parallelle economie proberen op te zetten, bijvoorbeeld door hun eigen groenten te verbouwen of gratis taallessen of muzieklessen aan te bieden.”

“Maar is dat niet juist een stap achteruit?”

Ik vertel haar dat men met de huidige omstandigheden in Griekenland, en met name in Athene, waarschijnlijk niet heel veel keus heeft, maar ook dat het misschien een goed perspectief kan bieden; nieuwe mogelijkheden.

De reactie van de economiestudente is waarom ik precies naar Griekenland gekomen ben en doet me sterk denken aan mijn scriptieonderzoek die voort was gekomen uit mijn verbazing dat na de crisis iedereen het huidige economische systeem toch nog blijft aanhangen. In mijn scriptie probeer ik te laten zien hoe, volgens mij, dit sterke geloof in de vrije markt deels te danken is aan Ayn Rand’s Atlas Shrugged. Hoewel de neoliberale hegemonie voort blijft kabbelen, lijkt men zich in Griekenland te hervormen.

Op Kreta, waar ik voordat ik mijn onderzoek begon in Athene naartoe ben gegaan, heb ik dit kunnen ervaren. Met zware tassen op onze rug, nadat we door een F16 piloot van Rethymno naar Chania zijn gebracht, gaan we op een terrasje zitten met wifi-verbinding om een hostel te reserveren. Ik moet ook even naar de WC en zie daar op de deur drie Antifa-stickers hangen. Aangezien ik weet dat er een kraakpand in Chania is waar ze veel culturele activiteiten organiseren, Rosa Nera, vraag ik aan een jongen die daar werkt of hij iets van Rosa Nera afweet.

Na een levendig gesprek weet ik al heel veel over Chania. De jongen, Billy genaamd, blijkt namelijk onderdeel te zijn van een collectief die de groenten verbouwt die in het café/bistro geserveerd worden. Ze zijn pas geopend, hebben geen hiërarchische structuur, en hebben het pand gekocht wat ze gezamenlijk geheel hebben opgeknapt. De keuken ziet er prachtig uit.

Op weg naar de WC wordt mijn mening gevraagd, en draag ik bij aan een vergadering. Aangezien ze het café net hebben gekocht, werkt iedereen voor 20 euro per dag om de schuld af te kunnen betalen. Ze willen alleen een muzikant uitnodigen om bij hun te komen spelen. De vraag is dan ook: is het wel eerlijk als de muzikant 50 euro verdient terwijl iedereen in het café voor minder werkt? Is dat echt gelijkheid? Of moeten we ons salaris opnieuw gelijk verdelen?

Ik heb misschien de oplossing. Ik stel voor dat ze kunnen kijken hoeveel ze over het algemeen verdienen op de dag dat ze de muzikant uit willen nodigen. Aangezien ze hoogstwaarschijnlijk meer zullen verdienen als ze live muziek hebben, kunnen ze de muzikant aanbieden om de meerwaarde aan hem te betalen. Ze vonden het een goed idee.

Billy is erg enthousiast over mijn interesse en heeft me verder op weg geholpen voor mijn onderzoek in Athene. Ik heb veel van hem geleerd. Zo weet ik nu dat ik altijd de mensen die ik interview moet vragen of ze anoniem willen blijven. Er zijn veel confrontaties tussen extreem links en rechts. Billy wilde bijvoorbeeld dat de naam van het café niet genoemd zou worden. Zijn roepnaam mocht ik wel gebruiken.

Vandaag ga ik naar de wijk Exarcheia, opzoek naar een imaginaire alternatieve urban planning.


Solange Manche, Engelse Taal en Cultuur, Universiteit Utrecht

Iris de Fuijk studying Neolithic Households in the Central Aegean

Athens. Really, it’s a big city for someone from the small, Dutch city of Utrecht. During my three previous trips to Athens (which were all very short) I’ve always been struck by the city’s size, its chaos, its large amounts of coffee-bars and of course its variety. Variety in wealth, poverty, grimness and also in the phenomenon of modern architecture alternated by archaeological remains. In February, I had the great opportunity to get to know the city a little better: I stayed at the NIA for 5 weeks. The main reason to go to Athens was to obtain as much literature as possible for my master thesis, which is about Late Neolithic/Final Neolithic houses and households in the central Aegean. Indeed, soon after I started my thesis in September it became clear that most literature on Greek Late Neolithic and Final Neolithic sites cannot be found in the Netherlands. A trip to Athens was crucial. Fortunately, the trip became a reality thanks to a scholarship granted by the NIA.

And so it began. I landed in an unfamiliar library-world in Athens. But, it didn’t take long before I sat among other people, all engaged in their archaeological and/or ancient historical research. It was not very hard to become encouraged by the library-atmosphere in the NIA and in other institutes.  And of course there are plenty museums and archaeological sites around every corner in the city. So no lack of inspiration there. In fact, the acropolis is right outside the NIA, and honestly, I still can’t get enough of the view.

IdF Athens from Philopappos

Athens city-view from Philoppapos hill

Every morning, I walked with a fellow student to the American and British institutes in the Kolonaki area (yes, we walked. Most people thought we were insane, but we had our reasons: 1. we got at least some exercise during the long library-days, 2. we could save some metro-money and 3. we could see and experience the city). In the institutes, I spend the days searching and scanning dozens of books and articles The evenings were filled with “household-stuff”, such as cooking (preferably on a decent Dutch time. Apparently, diner after 9 pm in Athens is not only a summer thing, which I still do not understand). Or it was possible to go to a lecture. In my mind, this is an extraordinary phenomenon: there are lectures on all sorts of (ancient) subjects in the multiple institutes all over Athens. Despite the differences in venues (from sitting in a cosy environment, almost in the bookshelves, to sitting in a huge hall with cinema-like chairs) the people, students, PhD’s, professors and researchers, often stayed the same. Apparently, this library-world is a small one.



IdF Library BSA

British School at Athens Library


Besides my scanning-tasks and the lectures, I also paid multiple visits to the archives in the Blegen library of the American School. This was a completely new, but interesting experience. One of my case-studies is the Final Neolithic site of Kephala, located at the Cycladic island Kea. The records of the Kea excavations (1960’s) have been inventoried quite recently and this gave me the opportunity to search through all the information about the site. I looked at the old notebooks, first drafts of reports, letters, photographs and maps. Although it was sometimes a challenge (it took me a while to decipher the handwriting), these visits were informative and a welcome addition to my research.

IdF EBA Kolonna

Early Bronze Age Kolonna

Looking back, I feel like I’ve had quite a diverse experience in Athens. On the one hand, I could finally grasp the long-wanted articles and books, which will definitely contribute to my thesis. On the other hand, there were opportunities to visit archaeological sites and museums in Athens (e.g. Kerameikos, National Museum and Acropolis museum) in order to actually see the material I’m dealing with. AND while I was Greece, why not make some trips outside Athens? In the weekends, I went to Brauron (also the location of a Final Neolithic settlement of which the material can be seen in the museum), Delphi (never been there before, absolutely beautiful!) and Aegina (also the location of a Final Neolithic settlement, i.e. Kolonna). In the end, I realized how much I haven’t seen yet, but obviously, one has to save some things to see (and read) for a next time.

IdF Delphi


Iris de Fuijk, Research Master Archaeology, University of Amsterdam

Alline Sinke reports on her development grant (in Dutch)

In februari 2016 heb ik de mogelijkheid gehad om met een ontwikkelingsbeurs in het NIA in Athene te verblijven. Athene is een stad waar de mogelijkheden om je onderzoek uit te werken en data ervoor te verzamelen ook letterlijk op straat liggen. Het is de moeite waard om na een ochtend in de bibliotheek, de middag in deze stad rond te lopen. De Acropolis ligt op een steenworp afstand van het NIA en op een zondagmiddag zijn ook de Atheners er rond en op te vinden. Niet alleen de bibliotheken van het NIA en van de verschillende instituten die er gevestigd zijn zoals de meest bekende Britse, en de Amerikaanse, maar ook de vele lezingen, de musea  en de uitstapjes naar verschillende archeologische sites hebben substantieel bijgedragen aan mijn verkennend onderzoek.

De eerste dagen van mijn verblijf heb ik in de bibliotheek van het NIA gezocht naar opgravingsverslagen van Egeïsche sites en naar boeken over de achtergrond van mijn onderzoek. Daarna werd het tijd om lid te worden van de bibliotheken van de Britse en Amerikaanse scholen. Vrijwel elke dag liep ik met een studiegenoot van het NIA de heuvel op naar deze bibliotheken. Daar heb ik de bibliotheken uitgekamd om data te verzamelen en te evalueren.  Ook ben ik er mensen tegen gekomen die ik bij vorige opgravingscampagnes heb leren kennen. s ’Avonds op de terugweg kregen we in de eerste weken nog enkele demonstraties te zien, zoals die van de boeren uit Kreta, die op de tractor met flink geraas en getoeter naar het parlementsgebouw op het Syntagma plein reden. Zeker drie tot vier avonden in de week waren er presentaties en lezingen gepland.  Vaak aten we snel ons avondeten (zoals Nederlanders dat vroeg plachten te doen) om daarna naar een lezing te gaan. Deze worden op de verschillende instituten aangeboden en het is leuk om veel verschillende bij te wonen. Op de woensdagen en in het weekend ben ik naar archeologische sites en musea zowel binnen als buiten Athene gegaan, zoals Brauron, Delphi en Aegina, maar ook naar het Nationaal Archeologisch Museum, het Acropolis museum, en de Kerameikos begraafplaats. In de wintermaanden kun je er rustig rondlopen zonder te smelten van de hitte en zonder omver gelopen te worden door hordes mensen. De sites en musea sluiten echter wel vroeg, ca. 15.00 u.

In tegenstelling tot de Atheners zelf, die alles wat verder weg is dan 50 meter, met het openbaar vervoer afleggen, heb ik veel gelopen. Het is de moeite waard om alle facetten, zoals de schoonheid, maar ook de lelijkheid en de armoede van Athene mee te krijgen. Ik heb naast een vruchtbare studieperiode ook indrukwekkende ervaringen gehad. Ik heb tijdens mijn verblijf in het NIA een goed idee gekregen wat de mogelijkheden maar ook wat de beperkingen voor mijn onderzoek zijn.

Alline Sinke,  02-2016

ReMa Classics and Ancient Civilizations, VU-Amsterdam.

Summary: Decisions in mode of transport by commuters in Athens (In English and Greek)

Introduction: This is a summary of a research done into the decisions in mode of transport by commuters in Athens. The research question is: How do soft aspects influence the decision for a specific mode of transport for commuters in Athens? Soft aspects are the attitudes of people that influence their transport mode choice. It focuses on how human behavior is influenced by actual behavioral control (Ajzen, 1991). Research into the relationship between these soft aspects and mode of transport has been done about car use (Steg, 2005), cycling and walking in a case in the UK (Gatersleben & Uzzell, 2007) and in a study in cycling commuting in the Netherlands (Heinen, Maat, Van Wee, 2011).  Athens is the capital city of Greece with a population of over 4 million people in a metropolitan area. The car is the most popular mode of transport for commuting. To raise awareness of other means of transport, a series of measures have taken to prioritize sustainable transportation, such as the expansion of the infrastructure for walking, cycling and public transport. New metro lines, suburban railways, one tramline, cycling paths and more pedestrian zones were constructed to alleviate the heavy car congestion in Athens.

Results: For this research, a Likert scale and qualitative interviews have been used. In total 172 respondents filled in the questionnaire and 5 professionals have been interviewed. In short, walking and cycling are seen as cheap and healthy modes of transport but the lack of good infrastructure is seen as a problem. The tram is experienced as very safe but not flexible enough because there is only one tramline. Commuters see the (trolley) bus as safe and cheap but not as enjoyable and flexible. The motor and scooter score positively on their flexibility but are conceived as relatively unsafe in the case of getting an accident. Furthermore, the attitude towards using the metro is very positive. The metro is experienced as safe, punctual, quick and there is a good infrastructure for the metro in Athens. However, in the end most of the commuters experience that they cannot use it to their work because they prefer to commute with the car. Consequently, the car is by far the most popular mode of transport. It is seen as comfortable, gives status and the infrastructure is very suitable to commute to work or school. The negative points about the car are that using a car is not good for the environment and expensive.

Conclusion: The main conclusion is that some variables in Athens are different from research done before. In the literature, it is suggested that some attitudes towards a transport mode have a universal characteristic independent of the factual circumstances in a certain location, whereas others are very different according to those circumstances. For example, in the Netherlands the unique attractiveness of the bicycle as a punctual and stress-free mode of transportation could not be generalized to the situation in Athens. The results of this research show that the image of walking, cycling and public transport should be improved to be able to compete with the car in terms of status and lifestyle. Such a development is already underway.  Especially the improvement of walking, cycling and public transport infrastructure in Athens in recent years has encouraged a culture of people who spend time and money on sustainable modes of transport. Therefore, if one would like to promote walking, cycling and public transport not only the infrastructure but also the soft aspects towards sustainable modes of transport should be improved. Consequently, important policy implications could be that soft aspects are important and that they do influence commuting mode choice.


Έρευνα: Αποφάσεις του τρόπου μεταφοράς από μετακινούμενους στην Αθήνα Του Luc Keller | Φοιτητή Πολεοδομίας |Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ και  Ολλανδικό Ινστιτούτο  Αθηνών

Εισαγωγή: Το παρόν αποτελεί μια περίληψη της έρευνας που έγινε σχετικά με τις αποφάσεις του τρόπου μεταφοράς από μετακινούμενους στην Αθήνα. Το ερώτημα της έρευνας είναι: Πώς  οι “απαλές”  πτυχές επηρεάζουν την απόφαση για τον τρόπο μεταφοράς των ατόμων στην Αθήνα;  Απαλές  πτυχές είναι  οι στάσεις των ανθρώπων που επηρεάζουν την επιλογή του τρόπου μεταφοράς τους. Ως εκ τούτου, η ανθρώπινη συμπεριφορά επηρεάζεται από   πραγματικό συμπεριφορικό  έλεγχο (Ajzen, 1991). Έρευνα για τη σχέση μεταξύ αυτών των απαλών πτυχών και τον τρόπο μεταφοράς έχει γίνει για χρήση  αυτοκινήτου (Steg, 2005), για ποδηλασία, σε μια περίπτωση για περπάτημα στο Ηνωμένο Βασίλειο (Gatersleben & Uzzell, 2007) και σε μια μελέτη για μετακίνηση με ποδήλατο στην Ολλανδία (Heinen, Maat, Van Wee, 2011). Εν συντομία, η Αθήνα είναι η πρωτεύουσα της Ελλάδας, με πληθυσμό πάνω από 4.000.000 ανθρώπους σε μια μητροπολιτική περιοχή. Το αυτοκίνητο είναι το πιο δημοφιλές μέσο μεταφοράς για τις μετακινήσεις. Ως εκ τούτου, μια σειρά από μέτρα έχουν ληφθεί  για να δοθεί προτεραιότητα στη βιώσιμη μεταφορά, όπως η επέκταση της υποδομής για τους πεζούς, την ποδηλασία και τις δημόσιες μεταφορές. Νέες γραμμές του μετρό, προαστιακός σιδηρόδρομος, τραμ, ποδηλατόδρομοι και πεζόδρομοι κατασκευάστηκαν για να ελαφρυνθεί η βαριά κυκλοφοριακή συμφόρηση στην Αθήνα.

Αποτελέσματα: Για την έρευνα αυτή χρησιμοποιούνται μια κλίμακα Likert και ποιοτικές συνεντεύξεις. Συνολικά 172 συμπλήρωσαν το ερωτηματολόγιο και έγιναν πέντε συνεντεύξεις σε επαγγελματίες.  Εν ολίγοις, το περπάτημα και το ποδήλατο θεωρούνται ως οικονομικοί και υγιεινοί τρόποι μεταφοράς, αλλά η έλλειψη καλής υποδομής θεωρείται πρόβλημα. Το τραμ βιώνεται ως πολύ ασφαλές, αλλά όχι αρκετά ευέλικτο, διότι υπάρχει μόνο μια γραμμή. Οι μετακινούμενοι θεωρούν το (τρόλεϊ) λεωφορείο ασφαλές και οικονομικό, αλλά όχι διασκεδαστικό και ευέλικτο. Το μηχανάκι και το σκούτερ αποτιμούνται θετικά χάρη στην ευελιξία τους, αλλά θεωρούνται σχετικά ανασφαλή σε περίπτωση ατυχήματος. Επιπλέον, το μετρό βιώνεται ως ασφαλές, ακριβές, με καλές υποδομές και γρήγορο. Ωστόσο, πολλοί μετακινούμενοι δεν μπορούν να το χρησιμοποιήσουν για να μετακινηθούν προς και από τη δουλειά τους. Κατά συνέπεια, το αυτοκίνητο είναι μακράν το πιο δημοφιλές μέσο μεταφοράς. Θεωρείται άνετο, έχει καλές υποδομές, προσφέρει κύρος και μπορεί να χρησιμοποιηθεί για την εργασία ή το σχολείο. Το αρνητικό σημείο είναι ότι η χρήση του αυτοκινήτου δεν είναι φιλική προς το περιβάλλον και είναι ακριβή.

Συμπέρασμα: Το βασικό συμπέρασμα είναι ότι μερικές μεταβλητές στην Αθήνα διαφέρουν από έρευνες που έχουν γίνει στο παρελθόν. Στη  βιβλιογραφία, προτείνεται ότι ορισμένες συμπεριφορές προς έναν τρόπο μεταφοράς έχουν καθολικό χαρακτήρα ανεξάρτητα από τις πραγματικές συνθήκες σε μια συγκεκριμένη περιοχή, ενώ άλλες είναι πολύ διαφορετικές ανάλογα με τις συνθήκες αυτές. Για παράδειγμα, στις Κάτω Χώρες, η μοναδική ελκυστικότητα του ποδηλάτου ως  ακριβούς τρόπου μεταφοράς  και χωρίς άγχος και δεν θα μπορούσε να γενικευθεί για την κατάσταση στην Αθήνα. Οι απαλές πτυχές θα μπορούσαν να έχουν σημαντικές επιπτώσεις στην πολιτική καθώς είναι σημαντικές και επηρεάζουν την επιλογή του τρόπου μετακίνησης. Ως εκ τούτου, εάν θέλουμε να προωθήσουμε το περπάτημα, την ποδηλασία και τις δημόσιες μεταφορές, θα πρέπει να βελτιώσουμε την υποδομή. Από την άλλη, η εικόνα του περπατήματος, της ποδηλασίας και της δημόσιας συγκοινωνίας πρέπει να βελτιωθεί, ώστε να είναι σε θέση να ανταγωνιστούν με το αυτοκίνητο από την άποψη του στάτους και του τρόπου ζωής. Μια τέτοια εξέλιξη πραγματοποιείται ήδη. Ειδικά η παροχή υποδομών για περπάτημα, ποδηλασία και δημόσια συγκοινωνία στην Αθήνα τα τελευταία χρόνια έχει ενθαρρύνει μια κουλτούρα σε ανθρώπους που ξοδεύουν χρόνο και χρήμα σε βιώσιμους τρόπους μεταφοράς.



Stories, spaces, places

It was not only that I went back and found the people there. Yes, I climbed the stairs to the grassroots place where I conduct my research, and ended up on the roof of the building where a concert of the solidarity choir would be held that night. But simultaneously I was enveloped into a history that I had become part of earlier. We greeted after a long summer, and the story continued. “You look so thin. You should eat more”, one of the women remarked. I was in.

I am sitting at the long table in what is called the dance hall, a large living room of the apartment the group is renting. It is the first choir repetition after their concert, and some 20 people, mostly women but also 7 men are present. As always, some cigarette smoke is floating through the room and here and there someone drinks a coffee or a can of beer. I am breathing their air, sitting on their surfaces. I am inhabiting their social and material space, or at least until the extent that I can. I am present but also taken aback by the fast Greek conversations that I still don’t follow. Our conductor, behind the electronic piano, is kind enough to translate some of the song lyrics into English. The people are kind enough to smile at me. Yes I am in.

Here it is that I want to know how a place like this carries significance to the participating people. They, we are writing histories in this place, we are making and rewriting the space in our memories, in our bodies, in our shared presence. The place is a carrier of our stories − be it in cohesion with its own course of history. Should I understand it as physical as the way the walls of the structure are resounding with the sounds we produce during our presence? Should I understand it as literally as the drops of beer that spill unto the floor? Drops that can be wiped away, but still write history through the physical traces of moments that used to be and the labour of cleaning that is put into it over and over again.

The conductor calls on us to take part of more activities that are organised by the movement and next week’s activities are summed up. It is not enough to only sing in the choir, is what they are saying. It is not easy to keep the place going. Time and again, people need to be reminded of the objectives of the movement: the practice of solidarity. The space alone doesn’t make the people act like this, despite all the imperatives that are there through posters, books and texts. Still, it has to be made, it has to be enacted.

What does such learning processes involve? How is the story of the grassroots place rewritten and revived in relation to the historical and local narratives of the participants? What has the place come to mean in the bigger context of their other daily practices?

This blog post was originally posted on

21 Bone street

By Francis Koolstra, student Archaeology at the University of Groningen.

“Kókalo, kókalo, kókalo”. This is what I hear someone sing during an archaeological excavation in Greece, earlier this summer. When I ask what the word means, one of the archaeologists points towards a piece of bone which has been exposed: “It is the Greek word for ‘bone’”. It is a reoccurring word in my internship here in Athens, as I am researching the human remains from the Early Mycenaean Northern Cemetery of Ayios Vasilios, Laconia (ca. 1700-1500 BC). The cemetery is of special significance as it is associated with the formative phase of the Ayios Vasilios settlement, which later evolved into the palatial centre of Mycenaean Laconia. The cemetery illustrates the transformation and the diversity of the Early Mycenaean funerary customs, which led to the typical Mycenaean collective funerary rites that find their most dramatic manifestation in the famous grave circles of Mycenae.

My internship focuses on the analysis of human remains which originate from one specific tomb; tomb 21, which is a unique case in the cemetery of Ayios Vasilios. The single built tomb contains multiple articulated and disarticulated internments and already houses more than 25 individuals, which show diverse mortuary customs and treatment, both primary and secondary.

My work in the laboratory is very diverse, and varies from the washing and sorting of the human remains until the estimation of the sex, age, stature and pathology of the individuals in order to reconstruct their osteobiographies. Such data not only tells us something about the final moment of death, but also about the history of the lives of these individuals, which leave traces on the bones which are, in turn, visible by analysing the bone texture and morphology. The results of this research can help us reconstruct past activities, demography, health and diet, but can also illuminate the mortuary rites of the living in order to assess the social meanings.